Fall 2016—Self-Defeating Dream: Marxist Justice In A World Dominated By The Individual
As we celebrate yet another Thanksgiving Day in the
history of the American republic, I think it’s important to consider the
principles that make it possible for us who live in the alleged “Free World” to
enjoy peace and prosperity when we gather with friends and family on this
important holiday.
We conservatives are quite fond of citing the
virtues of market capitalism when we talk about what has helped to make America
great. Indeed, it is true that capitalism has done more to bring material
wealth to a majority of Planet Earth’s human population than ANY other economic
system ever invented by man.
But once in a while, I think it’s also imperative
for conservatives like me to remind others that a big part of the United States’
success story involves past generations of Americans rejecting certain
principles that destroy freedom, individuality, and the pursuit of excellence.
In today’s political climate, with partisan slogans advocating for “making
America great again,” I would argue that it is important for American citizens—and
the politicians who lead them—to continue rejecting false principles that can
only lead to our republic’s decline and destruction.
The United States of America has risen to become the
world’s great superpower and guarantor of freedom, peace, and prosperity by
rejecting false ideologies of socialism, fascism, and communism. Despite this
profound historical truth, many Americans today are pushing for an expansion of
government along socialist lines.
Socialism’s greatest champion was a man named Karl
Marx, and Marxist socialism is probably world history’s greatest example of a
theory that went tragically wrong when implemented in the real world.
Karl Marx, the founding father of the philosophy
that bears his name and to which thousands of scholars, academics, social
theorists, and policy makers have subscribed, once complained that “the
philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways.” For this young
German journalist and revolutionary, philosophy only became useful if it was
used to “change” the world. In other
words, Marx believed that speculating about historical developments was
pointless and disconnected from action unless the conclusions of such
speculations were applied to real-world economic, political, and social
problems. Attached to this notion was an implication that the truly purposeful
historian will seek to use their philosophical models to fashion and impose a
sense of justice upon the world in which they live.
What was Marx’s conception of justice? Were the
atrocities and social calamities associated with 20th century efforts to
implement communism and its version of justice results of a misapplication of
Marxist theory, or were they the logical and inevitable manifestations of a
flaw in that theory? I conclude that while Marxist notions of justice center on
ensuring that the greatest number of individuals have their economic needs and
wants sufficiently met, Marxist theory—and its 20th century real-world
applications and implementations— is ultimately self-defeating because it
denies recognition of the individual as an important factor in the history of
human societies. Indeed, Marxism’s emphasis on the material world and class
consciousness comes at the expense of a proper understanding of individual
human needs and wants, ensuring that Marxist communism in the 20th century was
doomed to end in economic stagnation, political oppression, and social chaos.
According to Marx himself, a truly just society
would meet the constantly evolving economic needs and wants of all its members,
and this society would do so in a way that would perfectly reconcile individual
and community interests and allow people to express their authentic selves
through pure interactions with and through the collective. He explained that
“law must be based on society; it must be the expression of society’s common
interests and needs, as they arise from the various material methods of
production.” Note the economic
underpinning to Marx’s understanding of justice; for him, true justice was
achieved when economic activity was used for the satisfaction of human needs
and the production of well-being for all, and not just some, of the members of
society. Justice was a group experience, a conception of collective being.
Anything less—anything centered on the individual—was not a legitimate
conception of justice at all.
In stark contrast to the common good, the “doctrine”
of capitalism had resulted in a “denial of life and of all human needs,”
teaching that “the less you are, the more you have; the less you express your
own life, the greater is your alienated life—the greater is the store of your
estranged being.” Marx taught that life
under capitalism was meaningless for the vast majority of the
population—especially the working population—because humanity could not
experience true freedom and expression if its existence was dominated by the
endless pursuit of profit and property. Unless economic production was brought
under “common control, instead of being ruled by it as some blind power,”
capitalism would only continue its inexorable dehumanization of mankind. In the Marxist’s outlook, the capitalist
societies of Western Europe in the mid- to late 1800s had only served to enrich
the relative few and alienate the working populations, pitting the bourgeois
and proletarian classes against one another.
The solution to the deprivations and inequities of
capitalism—the road to Marx’s version of a just society—was for the
proletarians of the world to unite, seize power from the capitalist rulers of
the Western world, and inaugurate a new era of communist justice. Marx and his
ideological collaborator, Friedrich Engels, said as much in The Communist Manifesto when they
announced to the world that “all previous historical movements were movements
of minorities, or in the interests of minorities. The proletarian movement is
the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the
interests of the immense majority.”
Capitalism had resulted in the oppression and expansion of the working
class; the elites of society had accumulated more wealth and property, pushing
more of the population into the lower classes and encouraging them to identify
with the aims and goals of the proletariat. For this reason, Marx and his
disciples believed that the eventual transcendence of capitalism was
inevitable. The expanding lower classes would see their aims and goals steadily
becoming synonymous with the aims and goals of a legitimately just society that
existed to serve the needs and wants of all. Put simply, the injustices of
capitalism would expand the proletarian class until the inevitable world
revolution of workers erupted and restructured society according to principles
of collective justice that facilitated the greater good.
Justice in the Marxist sense was the generally
stated goal of all 20th century attempts to impose the proletarian revolution
in countries and territories across the globe from Russia to Cuba, Vietnam to
Angola, and China to Nicaragua. In all of these places, Marxism and its close
ideological offshoots inspired economic, political, and social revolutions that
transformed the structures of human civilization in the name of the greater
good for the purpose of ensuring that the needs and wants of all members of
society were sufficiently met. However, it has also been generally acknowledged
by many scholars, historians, and political scientists, that Marxism as a
worldwide movement—and certainly as a worldwide revolution—has either failed
entirely or faded away into obscurity. The dissolution in 1991 of the Soviet
Union, the most globally hegemonic communist superpower of the last century,
seems to have validated this line of thinking.
Although it is unrealistic to say that the worldwide
communist movement of the 20th century was exclusively responsible for that
century’s many crimes against humanity, the atrocities and social calamities
associated with efforts to implement communism are well-documented. Whether we
refer to the man-made famines of Stalinist Russia, the killing fields of Pol
Pot’s Cambodia, or the parricide of China’s Cultural Revolution, communism’s
rather substantial 20th century body count is rather indisputable. Varying
forms of political oppression, social chaos, and economic stagnation have been
attributed to Marxist communism’s legacy in world history, and the question for
many scholars has not been whether or not these tragic results of communist
revolutions are real, but whether or not these atrocities and calamities are
results of misapplications of Marxist theory.
Careful study of Marx’s original theory—in
particular his understanding of the place of individuals in human history and
their relationship with the material world and their social class—reveals that
the flawed results of communist revolutions the world over are themselves the
direct result of flaws within the theory itself. Marx, as a philosopher, saw
very little value in studying individuals apart from their belonging to an
economic class, and he also saw the world around him as one determined
primarily by economic forces. Both of these viewpoints limited the importance
of individuals and, indeed, human individuality in all its unique
manifestations, leading Marxism down a path of real-word implementation that
was bound to fall short of its goal of providing for all human needs and wants.
The flaws of Marxism as a theory proved to be self-defeating for Marxism as a
practical policy.
For Marx and Engels, the economic basis of any
society was always the determining factor for its cultural superstructure of
ideas. In their version of historical materialism, “man’s ideas, views, and
conception, in one word, man’s consciousness” changed “with every change in the
conditions of his material existence.” They ridiculed anyone who resisted the
notion that “the history of ideas prove…that intellectual production changes its
character in proportion as material production is changed.” Marx returned to this concept repeatedly in
his writings, stressing how economic modes of production condition “the social,
political, and intellectual life process in general.” Rather than understanding the development of
human history as a complicated and complex interaction of a variety of equally
important factors, Marxists have argued that history is primarily an economic
story with derivative effects in the political, cultural, and social areas of
life.
It is crucially important to understand that Marx
based his worldview on a powerful but flawed outlook: that mankind’s
understanding of existence—with all of the accompanying and varying belief
systems, attitudes, motivations, and behavioral patterns—was nothing more than
a restrictive reflection of economic conditions. In cruder expression, this
worldview seemed to imply that individuals could be nothing more and conceive
of little else beyond what their economic lives dictated. I cannot and will not
chronicle in comprehensive fashion all of the various ways that human beings
have defied Marx’s cold materialistic determinism throughout history; even a
casual consideration of history’s religious martyrs, inventive dreamers, and
irrepressible explorers will suggest that humans are motivated by much more
than mere external material conditions. History is filled with simple yet
profound individual acts of seemingly irrational sacrifice for family, loved
ones, principles, and ideals, and these stories of the past instill serious
doubt concerning Marx’s theory of strict historical materialism. In seeking
justice for all mankind, it is little wonder that Marxism fell short when its
founding tenets gave so little regard to the idealistic human spirit that has
moved so much of history forward.
Karl Marx’s flawed theory further discriminated
against the individual worth of mankind by restricting human perceptions,
interactions, and aspirations solely within the economic boundaries of class.
“It is not the consciousness of men,” he said, “that determines their being,
but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their
consciousness.” He did not believe in
the power of individuals or ideas to better their world unless those individuals
thought in terms of class consciousness. With this belief, Marx might be
understood as attempting to validate his own calls for revolution. After all,
without this emphasis on class consciousness, Marx had very little hope for the
workers of the world to think of themselves as a united proletarian revolution
capable of ushering in the next era of human fulfillment and justice.
Class consciousness was and is the only
consciousness for which Marxists hold any fascination; for them, class
consciousness is not only the force by which history is moved forward, but also
the force by which mankind’s greatest achievements and ultimate justice will be
realized.
Marxism misses so much about human nature!
For instance, Marx himself proposed that human
beings were not naturally competitive, but that it was society—capitalist
society, in particular—that made them so.
How then, would Karl Marx have made sense of the First World War, when
millions of members of the working classes chose not to serve the interests of
some overriding “class consciousness” by overthrowing their capitalist rulers,
but to instead answer the call of those same rulers by fighting and killing
each other on an industrial scale—not in the name of class, but nationalism? In
ways that are too numerous to be elaborated upon in this blog post, human
history seems to reveal that there is much more to human individuality than a
mere economic submission to class logic would suggest.
Karl Marx’s search for justice as a class experience
represented a false hope because it ignored so much of the individual’s needs
and wants, many of which often exist far beyond the reach of the economic
realm. His perceptions about human nature were naïve, and this naiveté played
out with tragic consequences in a real world that has always been and always
will be dominated by the individual. Even mass movements like communism are
made up of nothing more than the aggregate beliefs, wills, and actions of
individuals who do not naturally or consistently conform to the stereotypes,
beliefs, perceptions, viewpoints, goals, or aims of the social groups they may
or may not belong to. Individuals do not always think in terms of their
material world, or of the cold realities of their economic class; Karl Marx
fundamentally misunderstood this aspect of human nature. It is unfortunate that
this simple yet profound misunderstanding has been perpetuated through the
years and used to instigate so much suffering among the masses whose cause he
so passionately claimed to champion.
In this latest election cycle, we watched as an honest-to-goodness
socialist made a run for the presidency of the United States of America. Bernie
Sanders was perhaps the most explicitly Marxist presidential candidate this
country has ever seen since the early 1900s. His campaign energized American
voters—particularly the younger ones—and gained traction in ways that shocked
many of us levelheaded conservatives who understand the dangers of Marxism. I
know I was shaken to see so many of my fellow young Americans clamoring for
expanded government regulation of the free economy, higher taxes, forced
dissolutions of private enterprises, and more government spending and an
increase of the national debt and deficit.
I guess 2016 was a year to be shocked. I was shocked
when my wildest dreams came true and Hillary Clinton—another candidate whose
ideas have been shaped by Marxist influences—lost the presidential election to
Donald Trump. I was never a fan of Donald Trump. Part of my refusal to jump on
the “Trump Train” arose from my suspicion of his policy goals. Too many of
Donald Trump’s ideas seem to be colored by notions originally conceived and
championed by socialists in the Marxist tradition. That said, it is undeniable
that Donald Trump won the presidency because of a wave of anti-socialist
sentiment that has swept the nation from coast to coast; once he becomes our
president, Donald Trump MUST abide by his mandate and abandon whatever socialistic
plans he may have had for leading the American nation. If he does not do this,
many of his most enthusiastic supporters will abandon him.
This Thanksgiving, I am grateful that Hillary
Clinton is not going to be my next president. I am glad that many Americans
seem to be awakening to a sense of our nation’s awful situation: that
government is getting too big and that too many of our politicians have
succumbed to the unyielding myth of Marxist socialism…a myth which teaches the
dangerously false notion that government can and should solve all of our
problems. That myth is certainly not what the United States of America was
founded upon, and I am thankful to my Heavenly Father that I have been raised
in a family where the truth about America’s greatness has been consistently
taught since my childhood. I take this occasion now to rededicate myself to the
principles that have made my freedom, peace, and prosperity—all the things I
celebrate on Thanksgiving Day—realities to rejoice over and ideals worth
defending.
--Christopher Peterson, November 24th,
2016






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