Summer 2014—Summer Retreat: Overwhelming Evidence Of America’s Declining Influence, Sovereignty, And Willpower
A few months ago, on this blog, I wrote a post about
the importance of the United States maintaining its position of strategic
strength and that position’s proportional relationship to world peace and
stability. With the passing of the summer months, I regretfully conclude that
America’s national security, influence in foreign affairs, and military power
projection abilities have all continued to degrade and decline due to the
current presidential administration’s incompetence and ineptitude regarding
foreign policy. Indeed, the actions—or rather, the inactions—of Barack Obama in
countering the multitude of national security threats now facing the nation
demonstrate that he does not care about America losing its place as the world’s
lone superpower. Barack Obama is costing us not only our position of strength
on the world stage; he is also injuring our country’s sovereignty and
authority.
The purpose of this blog post is to demonstrate to
you, the reader, how events during the past few years—and especially this
summer—have combined together to overwhelmingly demonstrate why, in a world
filled with individuals, groups, and governments ill-disposed towards peace and
freedom, it is dangerous to have a deficiency of leadership in the White House.
The foremost responsibility of the President of the
United States is to protect and defend the Constitution, the type of government
it ensures the American people, and the interests of the American government
and people across the globe. The President of the United States is supposed to
be the first in line for leadership in any fight that concerns American
interests, and the president is supposed to be vigilant in preparing this
country to defend itself and its allies.
President Barack Obama has failed to do these things.
Remarkably, events have combined together this summer to provide rare firsthand
proof that Barack Obama does not care about performing these important duties.
For reasons that appear confusing to the American public, President Obama does
not seem interested in stepping up to the plate and providing the fearless
leadership that this country and its allies now so desperately need.
On December 14th, 2011, President Obama
gave a speech at Fort Bragg to the assembled troops in which he talked about
American influence in the Middle East. In this speech, he praised his own
administration’s supposed successes in post-Saddam Iraq:
“We're leaving behind a sovereign, stable, and
self-reliant Iraq with a representative government that was elected by its
people. We're building a new partnership between our nations. And we are ending
a war, not with a final battle, but with a final march toward home. This is an
extraordinary achievement, nearly nine years in the making.”
When this summer’s events are taken into
consideration, the idiocy of Barack Obama’s Fort Bragg braggadocio becomes
clear.
At the end of 2011, Barack Obama was in the heat of
the 2012 presidential campaign. He was clearly focused on demonstrating to the
American public that he was a responsible custodian of U.S. foreign affairs and
national security. He sought to portray himself as the worthy successor of an
Iraq policy that had led to ultimate victory in the Middle East (few people
seem to remember that Obama opposed the Iraq War from its inception). He hoped
to convince people that because of him and his administration, the war in Iraq
had been won and lasting peace had been achieved.
In other words, President Obama desperately needed a
timely victory in Iraq, and he needed it BEFORE the election in November of
2012. He needed to show the world that his administration had won the Iraq War
and the larger War on Terror. As time would tell, President Obama’s attitude in
this regard proved dangerously premature. Because our president put his own
political needs above the realities on the ground in the Middle East, we now
stand to lose everything that we fought for in Iraq, Afghanistan, and in the
Middle East as a region.
During the George W. Bush administration, we fought
two successful wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, deposed two ruthless dictatorships
that threatened the stability of the area, led a successful diplomatic campaign
that won over moderate Muslim governments in the region, and maintained strong
support for Israel.
But now, in the summer of 2014, can anyone honestly
and realistically argue that the U.S. position in the Middle East is favorable?
The situation in the Middle East first started
falling apart when President Obama announced his premature and permanent troop
withdrawals in Iraq and then Afghanistan. These announcements signaled to
American enemies that our country’s stamina had worn out, that the U.S. had
lost the will to fight or provide needed support for our allies.
A rising tide of instability quickly emerged.
Beginning in late 2010, revolutions, demonstrations, protests, riots, and civil
wars rocked the Arab world, including Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain,
Syria, Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Israel, Sudan, Mauritania, Oman,
Saudi Arabia, Djibouti, Western Sahara, Mali, Lebanon, and the Palestinian
Authority.
One thing only united these outbursts of discontent:
large groups of people in these countries sought to overthrow their countries’
governments. In a general sense, little else can be said about these uprisings.
Some patterns did become clear to those who were interested. On December 20th,
2012, James Phillips wrote an article entitled “The Arab Spring Descends into
Islamist Winter: Implications for U.S. Policy.” I now quote from this article:
“In 2011 and 2012, a wave of popular uprisings in
North Africa and the Middle East shook the region’s autocratic regimes,
prompting euphoric reactions in the West about an ‘Arab Spring’ and a supposed
new age of democracy. While the overthrow of authoritarian regimes can give
democracy a chance to bloom, it has also created opportunities for a wide
spectrum of Islamist parties to advance their undemocratic agendas. Islamist
insurgents and terrorist organizations also are well positioned to expand their
influence amid the political instability that has emerged in many countries.
The Middle East has become an even more hostile strategic environment in which
regional security, U.S. national interests, and Western values are increasingly
under attack. The United States cannot afford to react with indifference.
“The popular rebellions that erupted in Tunisia,
Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, and, to a lesser extent, in other Arab countries
during the so-called Arab Spring are works in progress that, so far, have
yielded a variety of outcomes. In many cases, the broad ad hoc coalitions that
ousted authoritarian regimes dissolved in acrimony, power struggles, and
ideological clashes that continue to undermine stability in the region.
Islamists seeking to impose harsh interpretations of Sharia law, which
restricts freedoms, particularly of religious minorities and women, have
emerged as leading contenders for power.
“Islamists pose an ideological threat to Western
values, though not necessarily an immediate security threat to the United
States, unless they support terrorism or violent revolution. Anti-American
terrorism is often an outgrowth of Islamist totalitarian movements, such as
al-Qaeda, which use terrorism as a tool to advance revolutionary goals such as
the imposition of a harsh and intolerant brand of Sharia, the creation of a
totalitarian Islamist state, and the eventual global caliphate. Al-Qaeda is
much more than a terrorist group—it sees itself as the vanguard of a global
Islamist totalitarian revolution. To this end, it seeks to exploit local and
regional conflicts to advance its vision of a global Islamist insurgency.
“Al-Qaeda and other Islamist totalitarians not only
pose an immediate threat to the United States but also to a wide spectrum of
Muslims and non-Muslims in the region who could be potential allies of the
United States. Al-Qaeda cloaks its totalitarian goals in Islamic religious
symbols and claims to be defending Islam, but it has killed more Muslims than
non-Muslims and more Arabs than Americans. To defeat the terrorist threat posed
by al-Qaeda, the United States must recognize the appeal of the group’s
revolutionary ideology and expose it as a threat to the lives and freedoms of
Muslims.
“To prevent al-Qaeda and other Islamist totalitarian
groups from exploiting the turbulence of the Arab Spring to advance their
radical agenda, the United States should seek allies in Arab governments,
secular groups, tribal leaders, and other groups threatened by Islamist
totalitarians. It should also engage Muslim religious groups and political
parties if they reject violence and unequivocally support democratic
principles.
“The “Arab Spring” that began in 2011 has ushered in
an unprecedented political transformation that has devolved in varying degrees
into a chaotic ‘Islamist Winter’ in many Arab countries that increasingly
threatens U.S. national interests. Washington lost a key strategic partner when
Egypt’s Mubarak regime was replaced by one dominated by the anti-Western Muslim
Brotherhood. Other regional allies in Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Saudi
Arabia, and Yemen now face mounting challenges posed by Islamist-dominated
political opposition movements.
“The countries affected by the “Arab Spring” face
much more difficult transitions to stable democracy than is generally
recognized. Islamists have been the big winners in the political upheavals so
far: They have captured the leadership of governments in Egypt and Tunisia,
exert a growing influence in Libya, and play key roles in insurgencies in Mali,
Syria, and Yemen. Although al-Qaeda played a small role in the initial phases
of the Arab uprisings, it is now positioned to exploit the aftermath—chaos,
anarchy, and power vacuums in failed or failing states. It is in the U.S.
national interest, as well as in the interests of U.S. allies and most Arabs,
to prevent Islamist extremists from hijacking the unfinished revolutions and
imposing totalitarian dictatorships in the affected countries. That will not
happen without concerted focused leadership from Washington.
“Proactive thoughtful engagement centered on
protecting U.S. interests and promoting peace and prosperity in the region is a
more cost-effective alternative to the cycle of violence and repression that is
likely to emerge from the Arab uprisings if met with American indifference.”
Unfortunately, two of Phillips’ fears became
reality. The Arab uprisings DID lead to an al-Qaeda resurgence, and they DID
lead to American indifference. Islamists took advantage of the Arab Spring, and
instead of using American diplomatic action and military power projection
capabilities to defend moderate Muslim governments and American allies in the
region, President Obama did nothing. In fact, there were several instances
where President Obama naively expressed his hope that the Arab Spring
revolutionaries would somehow turn democratic. Somehow, Obama forgot history’s
lesson that revolutions, unless carefully guided through their inevitable
radical phases, usually result in the replacement of oppressive regimes with
even more repressive regimes.
As the Arab Spring unfolded (and continues to unfold
even now) in places like Egypt, Libya, and Syria, the Obama administration
repeatedly demonstrated its inability to differentiate between America’s
friends and foes. For example, in regards to the civil war in Syria, the White
House did little else beyond expressing hope that the Bashar al-Assad regime
would fall apart on its own. Because of this, the fractured Syrian rebel groups
turned away from secular moderates and threw their lot in with radical al-Qaeda
types.
Obama has continued to lead his administration in a
determined campaign of unending observation coupled with determined inaction. Frustratingly,
this has happened in Iraq as well. In January of this year, a radical al-Qaeda
offshoot organization seized the important cities of Fallujah and Ramadi. These
cities are both inside Iraq’s Anbar province, where nearly one-third of the
4,488 U.S. troops who died in the Iraq War lost their lives. It cannot be
doubted that the radicals who seized these cities did so in the full knowledge
and benefit of the Obama administration’s abrupt troop pullout. Because Obama was
eager to remove American influence in the Middle East and maintain the fantasy that
the “tide of war” was “receding,” the administration allowed the situation in
Iraq to go from bad to worse. Secretary of State John Kerry asserted, “This is
a fight that belongs to the Iraqis.”
Doesn’t the Secretary of State realize that the fight against al-Qaeda is not just Iraq’s fight but also America’s? Don’t Obama’s people recognize that al-Qaeda has greatly expanded its operations in Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Yemen, and North Africa? Do they not appreciate the need for bolstering strategic cooperation with Iraq and other allies battling the terrorists?
In the House of Representatives in early April of
this year, the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation and Trade held a
hearing provocatively titled “Is Al-Qaeda Winning?” As part of this hearing,
former senator Joseph Lieberman testified that “put very bluntly, Syria has
become the most dangerous terrorist sanctuary in the world today—and the United
States has no coherent or credible policy for dealing with it.” Frederick Kagan
of the American Enterprise Institute assessed that al-Qaeda’s “brand is
spreading like wildfire, the groups affiliating themselves with it control more
fighters, land and wealth than they ever have, and they are opening up new
fronts.” Readily apparent throughout this hearing was the underlying theme that
the Obama administration has been ignoring al-Qaeda and other Islamist
extremist groups who have exploited the more permissive environments in many
countries destabilized by the “Arab Spring” uprisings. Al-Qaeda has made a
comeback in Iraq and Syria and gained followers in Egypt, Libya, Mali, East
Africa, and Yemen.
Recently, America’s allies in Iraq and Afghanistan
have been facing disturbing setbacks against radical Islam. And yet, President
Obama has been slow to react, as if he couldn’t care less if those two
countries—where thousands of U.S. troops have bled and died—were handed back
over to our country’s enemies.
Why would he allow this?
A mere two months ago, Prime Minister of Iraq Nouri
al-Maliki sent a request to President Obama asking for U.S. air support in his
government’s battle against Islamist terrorists attempting to seize even more
territory. Obama refused to do that, saying he would not allow American troops
to become involved in yet another debacle in Iraq. Instead, Obama claimed he
would make a decision about the situation in Iraq “in the days ahead,”
completely ruling out the use of ground forces. As terrorists neared Baghdad, Obama
added that the fighting in Iraq “poses a danger to Iraq and its people and,
given the nature of these terrorists, it could pose a threat eventually to
American interests as well. We will not be sending U.S. troops back into combat
in Iraq, but I have asked my national security team to prepare a range of other
options.”
Other options? What does that even mean? An ally
asked for help, and from all appearances the U.S. president responded
negatively to that request.
“People should not anticipate that this is something
that is going to happen overnight,” Obama said. “We want to make sure that we
have good eyes on the situation there. We want to make sure that we’ve gathered
all the intelligence that’s necessary so that if in fact I do direct and order
any actions there, that they’re targeted, they’re precise and they’re going to
have an effect…the United States is not simply going to involve itself in a
military action in the absence of a political plan by the Iraqis that gives us
some assurance that they’re prepared to work together…we’re not going to allow
ourselves to be dragged back into a situation in which while we’re there we’re
keeping a lid on things.”
Well, Mr. President, it could be admitted that NO ONE
enjoys keeping a lid on dangerous terrorist groups, but that doesn’t mean the
job shouldn’t be done.
Representative Howard McKeon of California, the
chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, said “the White House has a
history of ‘considering all options’ while choosing none… there
are no quick-fix solutions to this crisis, and I will not support a one-shot
strike that looks good for the cameras but has no enduring effect… The
president should also ask himself if his White House national security team is
equal to the crisis at hand. I don’t believe they are.”
Representative McKeon’s appraisal was correct. Considering
all options while choosing none; that truly is Obama’s grand plan for handling threats
to world peace and American interests. It’s become a common theme in the
president’s foreign policy record thus far. While Obama’s administration dithered,
the message effectively sent to the allied Iraqi government was “you’re on your
own.”
Obama’s dithering hasn’t been limited to the Middle
East. We are now all familiar with the ongoing standoff between the Ukrainian
government and the separatists in the east of the country receiving support
from Vladimir Putin’s Russia. Since I wrote a great deal about this situation
in my last blog post, I will not recite my own explanations and positions here.
Suffice to say that the Obama administration’s handling of the separatist
threat to Ukraine—and the shameful shoot-down by separatists of Malaysian
Airlines Flight 17, the deadliest airliner shoot-down in history—has been
disturbingly and similarly ineffective.
In the aftermath of the shoot-down of Flight 17,
journalist Noah Rothman wrote that “President Barack Obama’s reaction to the
worst attack on a civilian aircraft since September 11, 2001 was
…underwhelming. Without even issuing a statement of condemnation, as did his
last predecessor to face Russian aggression, the president devoted all of 38
seconds to addressing what he called a ‘tragedy’ over the skies of Ukraine. Obama’s
caution is another example of the president refusing to address crises in a
timely fashion… Hillary Clinton confirmed that when she
told Charlie Rose that this whole plane mess is really Europe’s problem.”
Clinton, who served as Obama’s Secretary of State
from January 21st, 2009 to February 1st, 2013, explained
that “the Europeans have tried to figure out the best way forward. From my
perspective — and I have the benefit of not being in the government — if there
is evidence linking Russia to this, that should inspire the Europeans to do
much more. So Europeans have to be the ones to take the lead on this. It was a
flight from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur over European territory. There should be
outrage in European capitals.”
Clearly, Clinton has not lost touch with the Obama
administration’s modus operandi since she left official government service. She
clearly recognized and agreed with the White House signaling that the U.S.
doesn’t really care all that much for ensuring the world’s security, that
America, under President Obama’s leadership, is hurtling down a path of
full-fledged retreat.
And the summer retreat continues…
Just a few short weeks ago, the ongoing Gaza–Israel
conflict escalated into more armed clashes between Palestinian Hamas terrorists
and the Israel Defense Forces. Fighting intensified dramatically in 2006 when Hamas,
a radical Palestinian and Sunni Islamist terrorist organization, seized power
in the Gaza Strip. Hamas initiated rocket attacks and kidnappings against
Israel and provoked the IDF to launch counterattacks of its own.
Just this summer, Hamas reconciled its differences
with the other major Palestinian faction, Fatah, and announced the formation of
a unified Palestinian governing body. Despite the warnings of Israel’s Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that the new Palestinian government represented a
victory for terrorism, many other governments (including Barack Obama’s
administration) agreed to work with the Palestinian unity government; Barack
Obama’s backing of the terrorist-sponsored government was especially unsettling
to the Israelis. Feeling the situation had reached intolerable limits, the
Israelis launched minor military attacks against Hamas and prepared to enact
sanctions. In July, Israeli artillery and air strikes pounded the Gaza Strip even
as Hamas intensified its own rocket attacks. Israel launched an invasion with
its ground forces, seeking to destroy Hamas’s extensive tunnel and underground military
infrastructure. As of this blog posting, the fighting continues.
How did the Obama administration respond? With its
own horrid history of treating the Israelis with contempt and disrespect, the
White House said much but did little. President Obama merely requested that
both sides exercise restraint, obviously failing to grasp the realities of what
war entails: two parties reach an impasse that necessitates one party defeating
the other in order for that impasse to be resolved. The White House admitted
that Israel had a right to defend itself, but John Kerry’s harshest words for
the Hamas terror organization centered on an embarrassingly tame request for
the Palestinians to “step up and show a level of reasonableness.”
Reasonableness? From a group willing to kill
innocent civilians in order to make a political statement? Reasonableness from
an organization which advocates the slaughter of Jews and the “invalidation” of
the state of Israel? Reasonableness from a bunch of thugs who glorify jihad and
death for Allah as the highest of human aspirations?
John Kerry needs to do his homework. Unfortunately,
he seems to believe in moral equivalence between the sovereign and democratic
state of Israel and Islamist terrorists.
"No country, no human being, is comfortable
with children being killed," he said of Palestinian civilian deaths.
"But we're not comfortable with Israeli soldiers dying either."
On July 20th, U.S. senator Lindsey Graham
had this to say about John Kerry’s irresponsible and insulting evaluation of
the Gaza-Israel conflict: “It scares me that [Kerry] believes the world is in
such good shape. America is the glue that holds the free world together.
Leading from behind is not working.”
Unfortunately, leading from behind is what the Obama
administration does best.
On July 21st, just one day after Senator
Graham shared his worries, I took inventory of my own evaluations of Obama’s
handling of foreign affairs and national security. I reflected upon my own
feelings and concerns, and the pattern of retreat discussed in this blog post
became clear to me. From the Arab Spring to the confrontation with Islamist
terrorists in Iraq, from negotiating with the Taliban in Afghanistan to the
inexplicable and inexcusable Benghazi scandal in Libya, and from the Syrian
civil war to the Ukrainian-Russian standoff, the Obama administration has
consistently failed to differentiate between America’s allies and enemies and
to proactively stand up for U.S. interests. Whether it be vicious fighting in
the Gaza Strip, the toppling of an allied government in Egypt, or the dishonorable
shoot-down of a civilian airliner in Europe, President Barack Obama has shown
nothing but indifference and carelessness in his primary duty as defender of
the free world.
President Obama does not believe the United States
has the moral authority to dictate terms to the bad guys of the world. I don’t
believe he feels it’s appropriate for the United States to tell other nations
what they can and cannot do, even if those nations behave in disreputable ways.
Obama does not believe the United States is a special country with a unique
history and legacy that makes it the best hope for humankind’s strivings
towards freedom, peace, and prosperity.
It’s as if our president feels guilty about this
country’s imperfect past, and that he seeks to make it up to the world. Obama
and his foreign policy team seem uninterested in doing anything on the world
stage beyond the deliverance of tongue lashings to terrorists and dictators. Even
when they say actions will be taken (think Benghazi or the Syrian civil war),
such actions are usually ineffective and wasteful. They fail to understand that
America really is the glue that holds the free world together.
Rush Limbaugh, on his radio program, recently asked,
“How many generations have grown up being taught, educated, tempered, and
treated to the whole notion of moral equivalence? That the United States is no
better than anybody else, and we have no right to tell anybody else what to do,
and we have no business being concerned what happens in the rest of the world? See,
this is one of the many areas that I think we dramatically need a reeducation
program for the American people, particularly young people. Because what we're
talking about is precisely what this country was in the world, precisely the
kind of position this country occupied in the world. And it wasn't that we
demanded it. It wasn't that we were tyrants and ran around the world and
demanded that everybody else respect us and treat us as the world's superpower
and bow down and kiss our feet and look up to us. We didn't demand any of that;
it happened. It happened naturally. It happened because we were—without doubt
and without question—for most of the people in the world, the beacon of liberty
and freedom. We did indeed have the moral authority to defend freedom and to
liberate the oppressed anywhere in the world we found it necessary,
particularly if our own national interests were at stake. We had all of that. It
was a result of the natural outgrowth of this country's greatness.”
This country’s greatness. That is precisely what I
feel is missing from the Barack Obama presidency. I have never seen any
evidence that our current president believes in this country’s unique
greatness.
Limbaugh continued: “Imagine, if you will, [Obama’s]
kind of attitude, this kind of leadership all during the seventies and eighties
when the Soviet Union was in fact a real superpower—at least militarily. Imagine
not having leaders who believed that the Soviet Union was an immoral insult. Imagine
not having leaders who thought the Soviet Union was a threat to free human
beings everywhere, and that something had to be done about it.
“Imagine the Berlin Wall never coming down.”
For all the reasons I’ve brought up in this post, I
agree wholeheartedly with Rush Limbaugh on this matter. This has been a summer
of retreat for the United States of America, with President Barack Obama
leading the way. In the wake of the September 11th terrorist attacks
and the hard-fought road forged by the George W. Bush administration, this
retreat has been both dangerous and unnecessary. The world has not become a
safer place since 2009. American and Western interests are not more secure than
they were before Obama’s election to the presidency.
As I have said before, President Obama seems to hold
primary allegiance to some sort of transnational cosmopolitanism instead of to
the United States and its interests. For political reasons, Obama is entirely
invested in ensuring that the war on terrorism is forced to an end regardless
of whether or not U.S. victory is actually achieved. Discrediting George W.
Bush’s foreign policy and Obama’s own desires to relinquish U.S. global
dominance conveniently reinforce one another. Obama seeks to scale back U.S.
influence around the world—all while appearing to NOT lose the war on
terrorism. Obama himself has made it clear that the U.S. needs to show more
deference to the opinions of other countries and peoples. Think of his
embarrassing apology tour, for which he received a Nobel Peace Prize. Think of
how he cancelled the sharing of missile defense technology with allies in
Poland and the Czech Republic, all for the sake of avoiding offending the
Russians. Obama seems hell-bent on portraying himself as the anti-Bush, as a
leader who does not seek to use American power to shape the world. Instead,
Obama appears to earnestly solicit the help of the world in curtailing American
power.
To win the War on Terror, dedicated U.S. officials
will be forced to confront domestic political opposition to prosecuting the war
in the first place. Antiwar sentiments have steadily emerged to the point where
the Western democracies are quickly losing the will to fight. If the U.S. is to
be victorious, policymakers must be coherent and forthright in expounding
principled reasons for the continued fight against terrorism. On the military,
diplomatic, and economic fronts, victory for the U.S. is inevitable, but if the
West fails to keep its resolve up to for the conflict’s prosecution, the war
against radical Islam may be lost.
We, the people of the United States, need to have
the will to win the War on Terror. We need the will to use American power and
influence for good as they have been used in the past. The role performed by
the United States is not an easy one, but it is a necessary one. Similarly, the
role performed by the American president is not an easy one, but it is a necessary
one. In the future, the American public must choose leaders with more insight
and understanding of this country’s legacy and destiny than the man currently
leading the headlong retreat towards American decline.
Let’s learn from the events of this summer. Let’s
learn the right lessons from this summer of retreat and recommit ourselves to
actively defending our nation’s honored place as the world’s beacon of liberty
and freedom.
--Christopher Peterson, August 8th, 2014







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